The West as Putin's Frankenstein

Yes, we, the West, are the Frankenstein in the Putin story. We created this monster.

Putin's regime grew out of our botched attempt to create a New World Order after the end of the Cold War.

In the early 1990s, we were complacent. We thought we won. We thought we did not need to change our ways. We thought trade and capital flows would ensure peace. 

We were wrong.

Now, a puffed-up guy, who is afraid to have his closest advisors within a breathing distance, has his finger on a huge nuclear arsenal and declares openly his intention to use it. These are sobering times. 

Crises provide us with an opportunity to look deeper into ourselves. To look into the causes of our predicament. To draw lessons and change our ways going forward. 

Assuming that there is a forward to go to.

The post-WWII world order was shaped in a different context. A context of two rival ideologies, two superpowers competing for world domination. A context that substantiated making compromises to our declared principles, in order to boost our chances of survival.

When one of the two competing ideologies collapsed, we had a shot at achieving the End of History. 

A world order where all countries are liberal democracies, enmeshed in a global economy. Where everything (goods, capital, people, ideas, culture, etc.) flows freely. A liberal utopia.

We failed.

In the late 1980s - early 1990s, Russia, China were on their knees. Huge countries, enormous populations, military superpowers, but with crippled economies and, most importantly, bankrupt ideological narratives. The power structures within these countries understood that they should open their economies to survive. We allowed these structures to survive and evolve into the monsters that have come back to haunt us.

We placed financial interest above our ideological principles. We started wars on flimsy pretexts and shaky intelligence. We continued our alliances with corrupt and violent dictatorships. When one of them literally butchered a dissident in its consulate in a foreign country, we turned a blind eye. 

We built close financial, investment, and trade ties with oppressive regimes. We financed the military budget and expansion of Putin and Xi. We are still doing that, despite the sanctions.

We thought we can open up the economic sphere and the rest will take care of itself. 

We were wrong.

No, this is not whataboutism. What about this, what about that, is a form of argumentation that has no standing in a court of law or in the field of ethics. The fact that somebody else has committed a crime and even has evaded prosecution does not exonerate you from the guilt for your crime. 

But whataboutism stands strong in the court of public opinion. 

Going forward, we should not give any fodder for whataboutism. We should be faithful to the principles that we declare to hold in our western liberal democracy, but so far have so easily been too meek to uphold, too ready to set aside for short-term economic gains. 

Going forward, we should realise that we cannot separate the economic sphere, from the social, the environmental, the institutional and the military spheres. 

Economic development is sustainable not only when it's built on sound financials. Not only when it strengthens social cohesion. Not only when it respects the environment. 

Development can be sustainable only when it does not feed the military budgets of autocratic monsters.

We all know that national security is a precondition for development. This crisis should teach us that respect for human rights, freedom of speech, rule of law, checks and balances, limited-term mandates, and, most importantly, a thriving civil society are absolutely necessary preconditions for global security. 

The pro-democracy argument, the case for a genuine, deep democracy (not limited to having multi-candidate elections), is no longer a political philosophy or an ethical argument. It is a national security argument. It is an economic development argument. It is a survival argument. 

Going forward, if we get the chance to reform our ways, we should make sure that our trade partners have thriving, genuine democracies as we build strong financial and economic ties with them.

Let's all hope that we will indeed get such a chance.